Uganda’s economic growth reinforces gender inequalities, leaving women in precarious conditions. How can policy and tradition evolve to bridge this wealth gap?
Uganda is among the developing countries or low-income countries in the global economic rankings. Current efforts aim to improve the overall economic conditions by means of liberalization and privatization. These interact with traditional stratification patterns in such a way that they are likely to contribute to the continuation and reinforcement of existing social inequalities, especially between men and women.
Uganda’s economic structure is mostly capitalistic with a strong tendency towards increased liberalization, privatization, and economic openness. This trend towards a free market is reinforced by structural adjustment programs. These are economic policy reforms adopted by economically struggling nations under the guidance of international economic bodies (Mohan 2009). In Uganda, they were implemented in the late 1980s and early 1990s under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank (IMF 2000). They included trade liberalizations with reduced tariffs, quotas, and trade barriers; fiscal reforms like reduced government expenditure and increased taxation; investment and privatization with more foreign investments, and private-public partnerships. Although its economy thrives mostly on agriculture and women contribute approximately 70% of agricultural production, women still suffer from an underprivileged position in the Ugandan society and economy (ODI 2021). While women’s access to financial services has improved over the last years, they are more likely to be excluded from financial services, especially in rural areas where the majority of women live. Hence, it comes as no surprise that women more often have to use alternative means of financing by drawing on temporary and informal sources for example operating small restaurants and food points in city outskirts, working as house helps and operating saloons in slummy areas.
The Authors

Amanya Aklam is a graduate fellow at Makerere University, Kampala- Uganda.

Mugoda Francis Keedi is a lecturer at Muni University, Arua-Uganda.
Like any other capitalistic state, Uganda’s socioeconomic and political context exhibits several dimensions of stratification that feed into wealth inequality as the latter depends on distinct preferential treatment and positionality based on differences in gender, race, religion, sexuality, class, and cultural identities. Especially from a gender perspective, wealth disparity is one of the key issues characterizing Uganda’s economic perspective/terrain (Wodon 2023). This pattern indicates that development support should include gender-sensitive business development to ensure broad access for women to markets and technology.
To better substantiate this assessment, this article aims to investigate gender-based wealth disparities among men and women in Uganda. The intention is to inform key stakeholders like government structures, communities, researchers and NGOs, of the often-overlooked gendered realities in wealth distribution among Ugandans and how this perpetuates disparities thereby putting socio-economic and political well-being into precarity.
Summer School „Wealth Inequality Studies in Africa“
This article was written as part of the Summer School „Wealth Inequality Studies in Africa“ at Makrerere University in Kampala, Uganda in September 2024. It was made possible by the joint organization of Resty Naiga (Makerere University), Jakob Kapeller (University of Duisburg-Essen) and Howard Stein (University of Michigan) as well as funding from Volkswagen Stiftung.
Wealth distribution has evolved in Uganda from pre-colonial, and colonial, up to contemporary economic structures in different ways. In pre-colonial Uganda, men and women had complementary roles with mild inequalities. They co-existed and significantly contributed to socioeconomic development through participation in trade and agriculture. Colonialism came with new systems of economic restructuring, governance, and social organization. Colonialists introduced a cash crop economy, formal education, and industrialization that drew distinct roles and positions for men and women with unequal prospects and benefits. These changes in a way, dissolved the complementarity that once existed (Boyd 1989; Buckley 1995). These complex relations of power inequality characterized by a male hegemony and subjugation of women in economic resources like land, capital, business enterprises and entrepreneurial opportunities, have evolved and worsened with increased global changes characterized by shifts from communism to socialism and then capitalism (Blackden and Morris-Hughes 1993).
Feedback effects between gendered wealth inequality and overall gender inequality
Wealth inequalities distort familial-social, economic, and political arrangements. The indigenous values around marriage in a family setting emphasize love, humility, and companionship. This view includes among others the aspect of equal role-play in family affairs as well as a shared responsibility among spouses. However, this has not been the case, especially with increasing cases of gendered inequalities in family assets and productive resources. These gendered inequalities are reinforced by patrilineality where children only trace their descent from their fathers (Lowes 2020), and patrilocality where in situations of marriage, it is women supposed to shift from their fathers’ homes to their husbands’ homes (Sen 2019). These have exacerbated the levels of socio-economic and political vulnerability and precarity. The patrilineal descent aspect legitimizes sons as heirs who have automatic access to, control over, and benefit from societal resources like land, housing, etc. Daughters are denied this right on the grounds that they will take the family’s wealth to their husbands’ families once they get married (Bennett et al. 2006). This pattern causes a deep gender asymmetry in the Ugandan society that is further reinforced under conditions of increased marketization, where especially land ownership is often a crucial asset for household and families to sustain under conditions of increased competitive pressures.
Conversely, marriage involves men paying the bride wealth as a token of appreciation to the girl’s family for the lost love, human resources, and positionality of their daughter, to the husband’s family. This aspect, however, has over time been abused and economized by patriarchs. Men tend to perceive bride price as an exchange of sorts and they consequently expose their married wives to material treatment. They are treated as part of their wealth but not as partners. This explains why most women get locked in the private sphere and are hardly allowed to access opportunities in the public sphere to open up their chances to social welfare and economic well-being. While the Ugandan private sphere is mostly constituted by women with full-time responsibilities, they typically receive little or no economic reward in the form of pay (Plan International 2022). As a consequence, most women operate in precarious conditions as they participate in three different roles in society – namely, productive, reproductive, and community roles –, but yet they continue to languish in poverty, deprivation, destitution, and resentment. These conditions also imply that women’s economic activities are concentrated in the informal sector, where incomes are smaller and prospects for enduring prosperity or upward social mobility are much lower.
Gender wealth inequality and human rights
Gendered wealth disparities are a human rights issue. They limit women’s enjoyment and exercise of their fundamental human rights, freedoms, and entitlements to access and benefit from basic needs like quality education, better health and wellbeing as well as sustainable livelihoods (United Nations 2024). Land is a social, economic, and political resource in the Ugandan community. Disproportionate ownership and control levels therefore deny some groups the related benefits therein. For instance, land is the primary form of collateral to attain credit as well as supporting massive development initiatives like farming, housing, etc. It is a key source of identity, respect, and prestige. Thus, land ownership and control inequalities exacerbate exclusion and discrimination in economic ventures to support oneself with basic needs of life which are quite costly in a capitalistic society of Uganda. Gendered inequalities in wealth distribution therefore directly affect the rights of marginalized groups to access education opportunities, markets, and health services and actively participate in key issues around politics, governance, and decision-making.
In conclusion, wealth is a key and primary resource for general socio-economic and political development. Inequalities in its distribution propel the excluded at the margins of social processes impacting their total enjoyment of fundamental human rights and freedoms as discussed above. There is a need to strengthen the existing structures in Uganda through capacity building, increased awareness, and building strategic alliances and partnerships for resource mobilization and advocacy. There is a need to conduct studies that will inform and influence decisions around resource allocation, and programme interventions and create opportunities for marginalized groups in the community. Finally, there is an even more fundamental need to shift away from or reflect those traditional practices, like patrilineality, that further foster and amplify existing inequalities under changing conditions of increased liberalization and marketization in Uganda.
Abstract
Uganda’s economic liberalization has reinforced existing gender inequalities, limiting women’s financial opportunities despite their key role in agriculture. Structural barriers, such as patrilineal inheritance and restricted land ownership, deepen disparities, keeping women in precarious conditions. Addressing these issues requires gender-sensitive economic policies, improved access to resources, and a shift in traditional practices to promote equal opportunities for all.
Bennett, V., Faulk, G., Kovina, A., & Eres, T. (2006). Inheritance Law In Uganda: The Plight of Widows and Children. https://www.law.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Inheritance-Law-in-Uganda-The-Plight-of-Widows-and-Children.pdf
Boyd, R. E. (1989). Empowerment of women in Uganda: Real or symbolic. Review of African Political Economy, 16(45–46), 106–117. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056248908703830
Buckley, S. (1995). Uganda, in Comeback, Attracts Investors. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1995/03/15/uganda-in-comeback-attracts-investors/d831cbfe-0aad-4114-bf45-82fccca067ce/
IMF. (2000). Policy Framework Paper—Uganda: Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility and Policy Framework Paper. https://www.imf.org/external/np/pfp/uganda/102998.htm
Lowes, S. (2020). Kinship Structure & Women: Evidence from Economics. Daedalus, 149(1), 119–133. https://doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01777
Mohan, G. (2009). Structural Adjustment. In R. Kitchin & N. Thrift (Hrsg.), International Encyclopedia of Human Geography (S. 1–9). Elsevier. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-008044910–4.00123–1
ODI. (2021). New ODI study shows how gender norms are holding back agriculture in Uganda. ODI: Think Change. https://odi.org/en/press/new-odi-study-shows-how-gender-norms-are-holding-back-agriculture-in-uganda/
Plan International. (2022). Fathers develop positive family relationships in Uganda. https://plan-international.org/case-studies/fathers-develop-positive-family-relationships-in-uganda/
Sen, S. (2019). Patrilocality and Gender Discrimination. Rights of Equality. https://www.rightsofequality.com/patrilocality-roots-of-gender-discrimination/
Tsao, W.-S. (2024). Women’s Land Rights in Uganda: https://www.landcoalition.org/en/latest/womens-land-rights-in-uganda/
United Nations. (2024). Human rights economy, key to advancing women’s equality. OHCHR. https://www.ohchr.org/en/stories/2024/07/human-rights-economy-key-advancing-womens-equality
Wodon, Q. (2023). Uganda: Gender inequality and national wealth. IICBA. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000385573#